Balance of trade

Definition

The balance of trade forms part of the current account, which also includes other transactions such as income from the international investment position as well as international aid. If the current account is in surplus, the country's net international asset position increases correspondingly. Equally, a deficit decreases the net international asset position. The trade balance is identical to the difference between a country's output and its domestic demand (the difference between what goods a country produces and how many goods it buys from abroad; this does not include money re-spent on foreign stocks, nor does it factor the concept of importing goods to produce for the domestic market). Measuring the balance of trade can be problematic because of problems with recording and collecting data. As an illustration of this problem, when official data for all the world's countries are added up, exports exceed imports by a few percent; it appears the world is running a positive balance of trade with itself. This cannot be true, because all transactions involve an equal credit or debit in the account of each nation. The discrepancy is widely believed to be explained by transactions intended to launder money or evade taxes, smuggling and other visibility problems. However, especially for developed countries, accuracy is likely. Factors that can affect the balance of trade figures include: Prices of goods manufactured at home (influenced by the responsiveness of supply)Exchange rates regarded in 1933Trade agreements or barriersOffset agreementsOther tax, tariff and trade measuresBusiness cycle at home or abroad. The balance of trade is likely to differ across the business cycle. In export led growth (such as oil and early industrial goods), the balance of trade will improve during an economic expansion. However, with domestic demand led growth (as in the United States and Australia) the trade balance will worsen at the same stage in the business cycle. Strong growth economies such as the United States, Australia and Hong Kong run consistent trade deficits, as do poorer growing economies (where heavy investment fuels growth and the trade deficit). Mature but stagnant economies such as Canada, Japan, and Germany typically run trade surpluses. China also has a trade surplus[citation needed]. A higher savings rate generally corresponds with a trade surplus. Correspondingly, the United States with its negative savings rate consistently has high trade deficits

Trade deficit is not significant

Those who defend this position refer to explanations of comparative advantage. Buyers in the receiving country send the money back. A firm in America sends dollars for Brazilian sugarcane, and the Brazilian receivers use the money to buy stock in an American company. This may lead to profits leaving the U.S however as Americans may forfeit control. Although this is a form of capital account reinvestment, it may not be a liability on anyone in America. Such payments to foreigners have intergenerational effects: by shifting the consumption schedule over time, some generations may gain and others lose . However, a trade deficit may incur consumption in the future if it is financed by profitable domestic investment, in excess of that paid on the net foreign debts. Similarly, an excess on the current account shifts consumption to future generations, unless it raises the value of the currency, detering foreign investment. However, trade inequalities are not natural given differences in productivity and consumption preferences. Trade deficits have often been associated with international competitiveness. Trade surpluses have been associated with policies that skew a country's activity towards externalities, resulting in lower standards. An example of an economy which has had a positive balance of trade was Japan in the 1990s. Milton Friedman argued that trade deficits are not important as high exports raise the value of the currency, reducing aforementioned exports, and vise versa for imports, thus naturally removing trade deficits not due to investment. This opinion is shared by David Friedman, who has said that they are 'fossil economics', based on ideas obsolete since David Ricardo.

John Maynard Keynes on the balance of trade

In the last few years of his life, John Maynard Keynes was much preoccupied with the question of balance in international trade. He was the leader of the British delegation to the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference in 1944 that established the Bretton Woods system of international currency management. He was the principal author of a proposal—the so-called Keynes Plan—for an International Clearing Union. The two governing principles of the plan were that the problem of settling outstanding balances should be solved by 'creating' additional 'international money', and that debtor and creditor should be treated almost alike as disturbers of equilibrium. In the event, though, the plans were rejected, in part because "American opinion was naturally reluctant to accept the principal of equality of treatment so novel in debtor-creditor relationships". [21] His view, supported by many economists and commentators at the time, was that creditor nations may be just as responsible as debtor nations for disequilibrium in exchanges and that both should be under an obligation to bring trade back into a state of balance. Failure for them to do so could have serious consequences. In the words of Geoffrey Crowther, then editor of The Economist, "If the economic relationships between nations are not, by one means or another, brought fairly close to balance, then there is no set of financial arrangements that can rescue the world from the impoverishing results of chaos." These ideas were informed by events prior to the Great Depression when—in the opinion of Keynes and others—international lending, primarily by the United States, exceeded the capacity of sound investment and so got diverted into non-productive and speculative uses, which in turn invited default and a sudden stop to the process of lending. Influenced by Keynes, economics texts in the immediate post-war period put a significant emphasis on balance in trade. For example, the second edition of the popular introductory textbook, An Outline of Money,devoted the last three of its ten chapters to questions of foreign exchange management and in particular the 'problem of balance'. However, in more recent years, since the end of the Bretton Woods system in 1971, with the increasing influence of Monetarist schools of thought in the 1980s, and particularly in the face of large sustained trade imbalances, these concerns—and particularly concerns about the destabilising affects of large trade surpluses—have largely disappeared from mainstream economics discourse and Keynes' insights have slipped from view, they are receiving some attention again in the wake of the financial crisis of 2007–2009